The first detailed investigation of the human remains from the Carrowkeel passage tomb complex since their excavation in 1911 has revealed several new and important insights about life, death, and mortuary practice in Neolithic Ireland. Osteological analysis provides the first conclusive proof for the occurrence of dismemberment of the dead at Irish passage tombs, practised contemporarily with cremation as one of a suite of funerary treatments. The research also highlights changes in burial tradition at the complex over the course of the Neolithic. Providing a chronology for these changes allows them to be linked to wider trends in monument construction, which may relate to changes in both land use and climate during the period. Multi-isotope analysis hints at the presence of non-local individuals among the interred and the possible existence of different food sourcing areas at the onset of the later Neolithic period. Preliminary results from ancient DNA sequencing of six individuals from Carrowkeel provide evidence for the genetic ancestry of Irish Neolithic populations, demonstrating their Anatolian origins and links along the Atlantic façade.

It is hardly necessary to point out that birch was one of the common trees of the younger stone age and that its wood was much used for technical purposes. This must have been even more the case in mesolithic times and during the upper palaeolithic period, when during a certain period this tree dominated the landscape to such an extent that we can even speak of a Birch period.

The use of birch wood soon made men acquainted with its own special properties. If at present we are first able to demonstrate a knowledge of these for the neolithic and later stages, it is not to be doubted that this merely represented a continuation of a mesolithic accomplishment. There are two properties of birch which are particularly well exhibited by the pile-dwelling finds. The bark can be detached from the tree in thin layers, is extraordinarily easily worked and can be sewn like fine leather. But, secondly, it is possible to obtain a pitch from the bark, which after correct preparation makes a particularly useful glue. The pitch occurs especially in the bark and allows rolled up pieces of this to burn with a clear flame. These so-called birch-bark tapers, which even in modern times played an important part in illumination, are found not uncommonly in the Swiss pile-dwellings.

The unique discovery in Scotland of a cache of five flint axeheads and other flint artefacts is described and the contents analysed in detail. It is concluded that the cache represents artefacts imported from the north of Ireland during the Neolithic period. Two earlier finds of caches of flint artefacts from south-west Scotland are also described.

In 1982 investigations were resumed at the Kapova Cave in the Urals, which was already widely known for its rock paintings dating from the Upper Palaeolithic period. It is, to date, the only authentic site of its kind in Eastern Europe.

The cave is situated on the western slopes of the southern Urals in the valley of the Belaya River 200 km south of the city of Ufa (fig. 1). It is a cave of a karst type that evolved in limestones of the Devonian and Carboniferous periods. The enormous entrance to the cave facing south-east is in the narrow gorge of the canyon of a U-shaped valley at a distance of 150 m from the Belaya River at a height of 7–8 m above its low-water level (pl. 31). The total length of the cave's passages investigated is 2 km (fig. 2).

To be the President of the Prehistoric Society is an honour that has a particular personal appeal to me. When the Society was founded in 1908, with a title that identified it with East Anglia, I was resident in Ipswich, the very place that was to become the Mecca of students of the Old Stone Age. My pride in being an early adherent of the Society is tinged with regret that I was not one of the small group of founder-members. Only one circumstance prevented me from so participating, and that was my impression that my close attachment to geology was not an appropriate qualification for membership. This is in itself a significant sidelight on the gap that then lay between the study of later geological history—the Pliocene and Pleistocene (in which I was especially interested)—and investigations relating to the traces of Early Man.

In the quarter of a century that has elapsed since the founding of the Society, the gap between the two lines of approach has closed in a remarkable manner: geologists and archæologists now work side by side, and the effects of even the warmest arguments are merely transitory. The story of this interweaving of the sciences is now familiar to us all, and reference to some of the earlier phases of the rapprochement need only be incidental.

My initial Australian fieldwork was still a year ahead when, surprisingly, I featured anonymously on a verbal distribution map confidently sketched by the Disney Professor. I was the ‘Australia’ reference of his Inaugural lecture, thereby illustrating his proposition (Clark, 1954, 33), that ‘the geographical field of Cambridge prehistorians has been … the whole world’. My Cambridge contemporaries, Sieveking and Golson, respectively represented ‘Malaya’ and ‘New Zealand’.

We were indeed the forerunners of a sizeable band of hunter-diggers which ventured into the Pacific world and which numbers Cambridge amongst its totemic centres. Such incipient, though benevolent imperialism, has not gone unchallenged. A participant in an Australian archaeological congress recently deplored what he judged to be the errors and dogmatism of the ‘Cambridge school’. He erred in affixing this label, because there is no such implicit cohesion within the ranks; diversity is already a healthy characteristic of Pacific research.

What was relevant about Cambridge training, but no more so than of any sound methodological discipline, was that it encouraged respect for, and critical evaluation of, evidence. What was intellectually satisfying to the student were the concepts of universality and interdependence in past human affairs. Such is the message from Miles Burkitt's Prehistory to Grahame Clark's World Prehistory.

The currently accepted divisions of the south Italian Neolithic are based on typological studies of ceramic styles, interpreted with the aid of stratigraphical information derived from a few key excavations. On the basis of this material a number of authorities have divided the Neolithic into a series of chronological phases. It is my belief that the evidence for constructing this neat relative chronological framework does not in fact exist and that the scheme generally favoured today is oversimplified and in parts inaccurate. In this paper I shall first summarize three important typological studies of south Italian Neolithic pottery: R. B. K. Stevenson's pioneer study of museum material, mainly from the Materano, published in 1947 (Stevenson, 1947); L. Bernabò Brea's scheme, based primarily on the stratigraphical sequence obtained from his excavations on the island of Lipari, published in various forms and admirably summarized in a paper presented to the Primo Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia in 1961 (Bernabò Brea, 1962) and, finally, R. Peroni's recent study of the Apulian material (Peroni, 1967). The second part of my paper will consist of a critical examination of these three studies and the final section will be devoted to a description of the known Neolithic wares, with an assessment of their relationships and relative chronological positions.

Detailed topographical surveys and geophysical examinations of the Penrith ‘henges’ were undertaken in order to assess the present state of the monuments for management purposes. At Mayburgh geophysical prospection was designed to assess the validity of the early reports of the presence of two concentric settings of stones. Some possible parallels in Ireland are noted. The nearby site of King Arthur's Round Table was also sampled by geophysical techniques, but was found to be too disturbed for the recovery of any further information as to its original form. The ‘cremation trench’ discovered in pre-War excavations at this site was relocated. The position of the enigmatic Little Round Table was re-established by both topographical and geophysical methods, and its north entrance firmly located. The classification of Mayburgh and of the Little Round Table is considered. The apparent disunity of these three distinctly different monuments within one complex is emphasised—all are traditionally classified as ‘henge-related’, yet the structure and orientation of each site is markedly different. Contemporary topographical considerations are now difficult to reconstruct.

Bivalve bronze moulds were used for casting bronze and lead objects – mainly axes – during the Middle and Late Bronze Age. These remarkable artefacts, which were sometimes beautifully decorated, have been surprisingly little studied. This paper discusses the bronze moulds from Britain, outlining the range of possibilities that existed for the life courses of these objects during the three broad stages of manufacture, use, and deposition. Two points will be emphasised. First, it will be shown that the biographical pathways available to bronze moulds differed significantly from those of moulds made from stone or clay, which may relate to the differing properties and conceptual associations of these three materials. Secondly, the relationships between the life courses of bronze moulds and the artefacts cast in them will be explored, focusing particularly on cases in which moulds and their castings were deposited together in the same hoard. It will be suggested that the ‘genealogical’ link between a mould and its ‘offspring’ could have formed a significant element of the biography of both objects.

When Dr Campbell Smith published and compiled his first account and catalogue of British jade implements he did not think, he tells us, that many more would be found. For this reason he adopted a numbering system based on counties, as is done for all other stone implements, but with numbers running consecutively through the English, Scottish and Irish counties. When new finds came to light it was difficult to assign to them numbers in the county system and the problem was resolved by numbering them 17b, 32a etc. New discoveries of jade implements are being made at an accelerating rate. In Campbell Smith's Second Supplement (1972) he records nine new finds during the previous six years, but since 1972 we have become aware of a further 24 implements. Partly because of this, and partly as a result of typological and mineralogical studies we have been making, it seemed to us that it would be useful to bring the catalogue up to date, whilst at the same time taking the opportunity of simplifying the numbering system. Although still taking a very positive interest Dr Campbell Smith is no longer actively engaged in work on jade implements. However, for the sake of continuity it was deemed useful to call this report the ‘Third Supplement’ even though the present authors were not involved with Dr Campbell Smith's original Catalogue and Supplements.

This report describes the excavation of a small complex of earthworks on the Dorset chalk upland (fig. 1) associated with fields and droveways. Several banked and ditched enclosures were present, the main one of which contained two sub-circular houses. The lay-out of these houses may be ascribed largely to the Deverel-Rimbury occupation of the site, but the main earthworks of the farmstead are dated on the evidence of the pottery to the early Middle Bronze Age, if not to the Wessex Bronze Age. From the plans of similar settlements with fields and droveways, then thought to belong to the Late Bronze Age (but now assigned to the Middle Bronze Age), Curwen (1938) deduced the existence of settled cultivation with the two-oxplough. The use of some form of plough during the Bronze Age has since received confirmation from the discovery of marks of cultivation in the fossil soil beneath barrows and other monuments. The placing of the houses in hollows cut into the slope recalls the Itford Hill settlement (Hollyman and Burstow, 1958) and the enclosing ditches, the Cranborne Chase sites mapped by Mrs Piggott (1951). The round houses seem to be the universal type in the Middle Bronze Age of southern England and the farmstead with 2–3 houses is comparable with Thorny Down, Plumpton Plain, Trevisker (St. Eval) and Trewey, to quote only the better known examples. It is uncertain how far we should distinguish these from what appear to be villages with up to 20-30 houses, such as occur on Dartmoor (Radford 1951).

Commercial gravel working in the Devil's Wood Pit, Sproughton, situated in the flood plain of the River Gipping, has produced as chance finds two barbed points of bone and antler. Both came from the sand and gravel deposits which fill the buried channel of the Gipping. The points are discussed in relation to other barbed points found in England, particularly those which have associations which allow their dates to be assessed. Radiocarbon dates from organic material within the sands and gravels suggest that the barbed points were deposited during the latter part of pollen Zone III and the early part of Zone IV. A long blade industry has been recorded from the surface of the sands and gravels, and reference is given to further details of this industry.

Palaeolithic artifacts were recorded from a terrace on the Great Ouse, near St. Neots, Huntingdonshire, in 1927, the chief source being a group of pits dug in what was formerly part of Paxton Park, on the left bank of the river in the parish of Little Paxton. Mr Tebbutt has since recovered many more artifacts from this site. Taken together, the material constitutes a working industry, which will be described in this paper.

A twelve-foot section, fig. 1, shows a basal layer (1) of boulders and large pebbles resting upon undisturbed Oxford Clay. One boulder of limestone measured two feet in length, and many other erratics showed the derivation of this layer from drift deposits of a preceding glacial stage. Bones and teeth of Elephas primigenius, Rhinoceros antiquitatis, Rangifer tarandus, and Equus caballus were found here. This basal bed is not a solifluxion level in place, though it may represent a solifluxion layer which has been re-washed and sorted. Certainly the Oxford Clay has not been caught up into it, and the elements are uniformly water-laid, passing up, without break, into nine feet of compact, well-bedded, fluviatile gravels.

Military service during the 1942–43 campaign in Libya provided an opportunity for myself and a few friends to make a preliminary reconnaissance of stone age remains along the 1200 miles of coast between Alexandria and Tripoli. Under the circumstances many of our observations were necessarily of a very incomplete and cursory nature. I have nevertheless thought it worth while presenting them as a whole, since they do at least provide a first estimate of the culture-sequence in this interesting and little-studied area. One cave and a few vaguely described, or very scanty, surface finds appear to make up the sum total of previously published discoveries.

An extensively plough-damaged oval barrow of the third millennium bc was excavated. The entire mound had been removed by ploughing. No burials were found under the site of the mound but disarticulated human skeletal material was found in the ditches. The main flanking ditches appear to have silted in naturally with evidence of Beaker activity and Romano-British agriculture in the higher levels. Some evidence of deliberate back-filling, including the burial of carved chalk objects, was found in the ditches at the east end. A single Saxon hut was excavated in the north-east corner of the barrow and a rubbish deposit containing Middle Saxon pottery was found in the upper levels of the ditch in the south-west corner of the barrow.

Two late prehistoric circular enclosure settlements near Harlech, Gwynedd were excavated by the Gwynedd Archaeological Trust in 1980–81 in advance of upland pasture improvements. Both produced evidence for the change from timber to mainly stone as a building material, commonplace in upland Britain at this time. At Moel y Gerddi there was some evidence for earlier activity in the Neolithic period, but the principal occupation occurred in the mid-first millennium BC, and comprised a roughly circular timber palisade enclosing a fairly substantial timber roundhouse. As these structures deteriorated, they were consolidated and embanked with stone, but despite this the occupation did not last very long and the site was abandoned. Erw-wen a short distance away produced similar evidence but there was no Neolithic phase and the site was re-used in the Medieval period. The principal late prehistoric settlement there comprised a single large roundhouse standing within an imposing enclosure wall but whether or not this had been preceded by a timber palisade is not known. It was clear, however, that the stone roundhouse was a replacement for an earlier timber counterpart and, quite unlike Moel y Gerddi, the occupation lasted a considerable period of time, possibly two or even three centuries. Dating evidence from either site was poor, and acid soil conditions mitigated against the preservation of most finds. The sites were apparently aceramic and probably relied on pastoralism rather than arable farming. The environmental setting and background has been considered in some detail in the preceding paper with particular reference to soil pollen studies and a bog core dug near Moel y Gerddi. Typologically the sites belong to the Gwynedd stone-built hut-circle settlements and it is argued that they could mark the first appearance of these monuments in the landscape. But in any case, the use of timber as witnessed here, was far more commonplace than has previously been supposed on these sites.

Setting aside the cosmological and meteorological speculations on the reconstruction of the climate of the south-eastern Mediterranean countries in the Pleistocene epoch, the bases of which are somewhat inadequate, there remains only geological evidence for the interpretation of that epoch. This evidence includes the information yielded by sediments: in the first place, those terrestrial types of soils which are the strongest indicators of climate influences and in the second place, the fauna and flora, in so far as types with enhanced power of climatological reaction are in any way recognisable. In 1932, I discussed the significance of the soils and will dwell on this subject at the end of this paper. My present task is mainly concerned with an attempt to submit the Pleistocene livingworld—within the limits of our present knowledge—to a critical investigation and to reconcile the results with our previous conclusions.

One of the most interesting archaeological features of western Iberian Protohistory is the stone animal sculptures, usually called ‘verracos’. The function and meaning of this kind of monument is discussed, taking into account the regional settlement pattern and changes during the early Roman period. The sculptures were used as an index of economic value (cattle) and by studying their spatial distribution in the Amblés Valley (Avila) it is proposed that they were used as landmarks delimiting critical resources (pasture) the explotation of which could have been organized by the elites of the 2nd Iron Age communities living in the Valley. The presence of first Roman settlers did not necessarily lead to a clear breakdown of pre-existing social symbols and cultural traditions. This is reflected through a continuity of sculpture production probably without changes to the spatial pattern. Thus, it is possible to conclude that sculpture production may reflect social, economic, and ideological ties between the old hierarchy and the new elites, expresed in terms of native identity.

Excavations at Ewanrigg, Maryport, Cumbria (NY035353) took place in 1983 and 1985–87. The site of a Bronze Age cremation cemetery was discovered whilst fieldwalking a crop-mark enclosure site; this site had been trial excavated in 1956 and shown to be a Romano-British settlement. During the excavations 28 burials were discovered, 26 being cremations and two inhumations. Both inhumations, one a Beaker burial and the other a cist burial with a Food Vessel, had been disturbed. The Bronze Age pottery assemblage was a mixture of Collared Urns and Food Vessel Urns; the Collared Urns are mainly Secondary Series with one showing some Primary Series traits. Fragments of two Beakers were discovered, one an N/MR Beaker and the other more in the long-necked Northern series tradition. All the pottery, except the N/MR Beaker, was made from local clay. Within one of the cremation burials a clay connecting rod for a furnace was discovered and apart from one other site this is the only discovery which shows any link between metal-working and the burials within the Collared Urn tradition. Also within the cremations were a number of toggles and pins made from animal bone. The human cremated bone was sufficiently well preserved to allow analysis to show that there were six female and five male burials. Radiocarbon samples, mainly on charcoal, gave a date range for the Collared Urns of 2460–1520 BC (calibrated to two standard deviations).

The setting of the discoveries (1947–9) described in this paper is the relatively flat and low-lying basin of the easterly and coastal end of the Vale of Pickering in north-east Yorkshire. Abounding hereabouts are many ditches nearly all of which serve as field boundaries draining what is mostly quagmire of varying depth. These empty their waters into the Hertford river or Muston Drain, a canalised version of an ancient stream which rises near the coast and flows directly inland. Sections revealed in these drains, supplemented by borings, show the area around Flixton to possess a stratified series of Late Glacial and Early Post-glacial deposits distinct from anything yet known in the greater part of the Vale to the west. Although the Pleistocene geology of the Vale of Pickering is not yet adequately understood, the presence of these deposits makes the Flixton area of far more than local interest.

During the early part of the summer of 1947, I examined some gravels forming an exposure in the face of a ditch. Nothing of archaeological interest was seen at the time, but one week later I made a second, somewhat casual, scrutiny of the same section and upon this occasion I found and extracted the flint blade which presaged a closer scrutiny of the section and eventual excavation within the area (Site 1). It was not until the excavation of Site 1 had been nearly completed (Nov. 1948) that other sites were located.