An expansive, worldwide smallpox eradication programme (SEP) was announced by the World Health Assembly in 1958, leading this decision-making body to instruct the World Health Organization Headquarters in Geneva to work with WHO regional offices to engage and draw in national governments to ensure success. Tabled by the Soviet Union’s representative and passed by a majority vote by member states, the announcement was subject to intense diplomatic negotiations. This led to the formation, expansion and reshaping of an ambitious and complex campaign that cut across continents and countries. This article examines these inter-twining international, regional and national processes, and challenges long-standing historiographical assumptions about the fight against smallpox only gathering strength from the mid-1960s onwards, after the start of a US-supported programme in western Africa. The evidence presented here suggests a far more complex picture. It shows that although the SEP’s structures grew slowly between 1958 and 1967, a worldwide eradication programme resulted from international negotiations made possible through gains during this period. Significant progress in limiting the incidence of smallpox sustained international collaboration, and justified the prolongation and expansion of activities. Indeed, all of this bore diplomatic and legal processes within the World Health Assembly and WHO that acted as the foundation of the so-called intensified phase of the SEP and the multi-faceted activities that led to the certification of smallpox eradication in 1980.

This article reconstructs the process of defining influenza as an infectious disease in the contexts of British medicine between 1890 and 1914. It shows how professional agreement on its nature and identity involved aligning different forms of knowledge produced in the field (public health), in the clinic (metropolitan hospitals) and in the laboratory (bacteriology). Two factors were crucial to this process: increasing trust in bacteriology and the organisation of large-scale collective investigations into influenza by Britain’s central public authority, the Medical Department of the Local Government Board. These investigations integrated epidemiological, clinical and bacteriological evidence into a new definition of influenza as a specific infection, in which a germ – Bacillus influenzae – was determined as playing a necessary but not sufficient role in its aetiology, transmission and pathogenesis. In defining ‘modern influenza’, bacteriological concepts and techniques were adapted to and selectively incorporated into existing clinical, pathological and epidemiological approaches. Mutual alignment thus was crucial to its construction and, more generally, to shaping developing relationships between laboratory, clinical and public health medicine in turn-of-the-century Britain. While these relationships were marked by tension and conflict, they were also characterised by important patterns of convergence, in which the problems, interests and practices of public health professionals, clinicians and laboratory pathologists were made increasingly commensurable. Rather than retrospectively judge the late nineteenth-century definition of influenza as being based on the wrong microbe, this article argues for the need to examine how it was established through a particular alignment of medical knowledge, which then underpinned medical approaches to the disease up to and beyond the devastating 1918–19 pandemic.

The increasingly used concept new public health indicates that a fundamental change has occurred in the goals and methods of disease prevention and health promotion. The change is often said to imply less expert-driven governing of citizens. In this article, governing technologies in the field of public health in Denmark and Sweden are analysed to investigate whether substantial changes have taken place in the governing efforts. In the endeavours unfolded in relation to health examinations for children and pregnant women during the last eighty years, no apparent evidence exists of a significant change in governing technologies. Regulatory, expert-driven and empowering technologies have been used during the whole period; additionally, appeals to autonomy, responsibility and obedience as well as to trust in authorities co-exist throughout the period. The fundamental change is the huge increase in the health authorities’ governing ambitions.

The term “social psychiatry” became current in the Netherlands from the late 1920s. Its meaning was imprecise. In a general way, the term referred to psychiatric approaches of mental illness that focused on its social origins and backgrounds. In this broad interpretation social psychiatry was connected to the psycho-hygienic goal of preventing mental disorders, but also to epidemiological research on the distribution of mental illness among the population at large. The treatment called “active therapy”, introduced in Dutch mental asylums in the 1920s and geared towards the social rehabilitation of the mentally ill (especially through work), was also linked with social psychiatry. In a more narrow sense social psychiatry indicated what before the 1960s was usually called “after-care” and “pre-care”: forms of medical and social assistance for patients who had been discharged from the mental asylum or who had not yet been institutionalized. This article focuses on the twentieth-century development of Dutch social psychiatry in this more narrow sense, without, however, losing sight of its wider context: on the one hand institutional psychiatry for the insane and on the other the mental hygiene movement and several outpatient mental health facilities, which targeted a variety of groups with psychosocial and behavioural problems. In fact, the vacillating position of pre- and after-care services was again and again determined by developments in these adjacent psychiatric and mental health care domains. This overview is chronologically divided into three periods: the period between and during the two world wars, when psychiatric pre- and aftercare came into being; the post-Second World War era until 1982, when the Social-Psychiatric Services expanded and professionalized; and the 1980s and 1990s, when they became integrated in community mental health centres.