Youth without housing experience more regulation and conflict with criminal justice than their housed counterparts. Using in-depth qualitative interviews with fifty-one young people, we focus on how efforts to move away from homelessness towards long-term housing stability are impacted by conflict with law, a term referring to a broad range of experiences with various authorities in the legal system, social services, shelters, etc. Our paper comes out of a yearlong longitudinal study of the factors and processes affecting the transition away from youth homelessness in Toronto and Halifax. We consider practical barriers generated by conflict with law, but also the role that it can play in shaping the identity processes at the heart of successful transitions. Our findings highlight how conflict with law and regulation—even occurring before and during homelessness—has serious repercussions for young people well after they have left the streets.

From the time when suicide was considered equivalent to premeditated murder by the Canadian justice system to the decriminalization of attempted suicide in 1972, there was a dramatic reversal in how suicidal behaviors were viewed by society. Through an analysis of cases involving suicide attempts in Quebec between 1892 and 1972, we will examine the shift in the legal interpretation of attempted suicide. The law and medical science occasionally compete with one another to impose their own explanations of attempted suicide. These views are not mutually exclusive, though they are, at times, mutually reinforcing. Furthermore, the social reaction toward suicidal behaviors began to migrate from the criminal to the medical within the context of the courts, resulting in de facto decriminalization before such measures were inscribed into law.

In the United States, state-based efforts to curtail the spread of methamphetamine (“meth”) have targeted domestic producers through heightened regulation of precursor chemicals used in the clandestine meth-production process. This article examines the impact of these efforts on the exercise of police power in a rural community affected by methamphetamine. As the author shows, the targeting of local meth production has incorporated residents of rural communities into the policing process by variously encouraging and requiring them to adopt a new way of perceiving the local landscape, centred around methamphetamine. Under the new legislation, previously benign objects such as cold medicine, batteries, and drain cleaner have been re-signified as objects with criminal potential that residents of rural communities are called upon to police. This has led to the expansion of police power within and beyond the formal domains of law enforcement. Through the targeting of local production, civic volunteers, pharmacists, retail clerks, natural resource officers, and others have been drawn into the policing of the meth problem. This reveals a key dynamic in the localization of police power: as police power is localized, the local is reimagined in terms of police power.

This article examines the discourses of crime and safety mobilized by Gary Doer's provincial NDP government in Manitoba between 1999 and 2009. Through a Foucaultian discourse analysis of statements made by Manitoba NDP members in the Legislative Assembly—in particular, the language and preconceptions drawn on by government members when speaking about matters of crime and safety—the authors assess the role of Third Way and neo-liberal rationalities of crime governance in a provincial crime-control assemblage that seeks to foster “security” beyond the limits of federally defined criminal law. Based on this analysis, the authors discuss how the Manitoba NDP is engaged in a process of “deputizing” public service and communities for purposes of crime control.

The leading argument of the paper is that the paradigm of legal positivism upon which the prosperity of the jurists was founded since the mid-19th century has now become detrimental to their innovative capacity. Three major trends are considered indicative of a process of paradigm shifting: the ever-increasing specialization of academic and practicing lawyers; the dialectical blurring of the separation between law, politics and morals; the declining intellectual autonomy of the legal science through interaction with the new technosciences. The segmentation of occupational interests and the class conflict opposing the new generations to their predecessors could announce the end of professional corporatism as the official mode of representing and organizing the legal community. Law professors and, first of all, law and society scholars can play a crucial role by providing a better understanding of the current transition to a new paradigm of law.

While widely regarded as a victory of grassroots feminist organizing and as part of the ongoing struggle for gender equity and female reproductive autonomy, the movement to legalize midwifery in Ontario has, in fact, derived considerable benefit from hierarchical rather than equal relations among women. This article describes the practice of “midwifery tourism” whereby Ontario midwives traveled to “Third World” maternity clinics in order to obtain clinical experience unavailable to them in the period that preceded the legalization of the profession in the province. Many traveled in order to garner the requisite number of births for participation in provincial programs designed to integrate practicing midwives into the health care system. In addition to this very quantifiable benefit, midwives were also able to enhance their professional prominence through a claim to first-hand knowledge of the birth practices of “Third World” women, a group mythologized within natural childbirth discourse as possessing innate feminine birthing knowledge as yet uncorrupted by Western medical practices. The re-emergence of midwifery in North America provides a cogent example of how, through epistemological claims about women's shared identity, “Third World” space, and those who occupy it, come to constitute a commodity for first world women's consumption and social advancement.

Following the arrival of the MV Ocean Lady in 2009, four men were charged with human smuggling under s. 117 of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act for having helped Sri Lankan asylum seekers reach Canada. Section 117 made it a criminal offence to aid and abet the unauthorized entry of asylum seekers, including when this was done for humanitarian reasons, to help family members, or as a matter of mutual aid. The case made its way to the Supreme Court and, in 2015, the court ruled in R v Appulonappa that s. 117 was too broad, potentially criminalizing humanitarian workers and family members who help transport asylum seekers, and should be interpreted in a strict manner. This article draws from pragmatic sociology to study the regimes of justification mobilized by various actors involved in, and around, R v Appulonappa between 2009 and 2015. It focuses on two sites of contestation that crystalized around divergent conceptions of fairness and safety, discussing how competing regimes of justification were used to advance stakeholder’s positions.

Reforms to Canadian sentencing law in 1996 and the Supreme Court of Canada decision R. v. Gladue [1999] opened the door to a new normative set of legal practices that endeavour to integrate racial knowledge about offenders’ collective and individual experiences of race relations and oppression into traditional legal criminal practices. One outcome of the reforms and court cases was the formation of dedicated Gladue courts for Aboriginal peoples. This paper explores the formation of Gladue courts, the legal techniques used to produce contextualized racial knowledges, how this information is admitted as evidence before the court, and how this knowledge is used to reframe legal subjects and the risk they pose.

In the study of the constitution, courts and judicial behaviour, two distinct strands can be identified. First, the study of constitutional law, which in the 1920s was a paramount concern of the emergent political science discipline, had become by the 1960s a very marginal interest of Canadian political scientists. Although recent events have led to a revival of interest, still only a small handful of political scientists in the English or French-speaking branches of the discipline devote much of their scholarly attention to the law of the constitution. The study of judicial interpretation of the constitution has been almost completely preempted by legal academics. In the meantime, the empirical investigation of courts and judicial behaviour, a subject which in earlier years attracted the attention of neither lawyers nor political scientists, has been slowly emerging as a distinct field of interest for social scientists and empirically oriented legal scholars, although it remains very much at the margin of political science.

Condominium is an architecture of land ownership that produces separate, privately owned units within multi-unit developments. Condominium also constructs a form of private, democratic government, described as a fourth order of government, that acts beneath federal and provincial governments, and alongside municipal government, to govern owners and their property. This article considers a conflict between residential-unit owners and a commercial-unit owner within a condominium development in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside. Drawing from material produced in litigation, the article situates the dispute within its property and urban contexts to argue that condominium government requires attention, and not just for its impact on owners, or even residents within, but also because cities must now account for, work alongside, and, in some circumstances, contend with these rapidly proliferating sites of government that are helping to shape who has the right to live in the city.

Portant sur une affaire relative aux droits des couples non mariés qui agite le Québec depuis 2009, cet article compare son traitement par les tribunaux, l’expertise académique et la presse. S’inspirant du cadre d’analyse de la « forme affaire », il étudie le processus par lequel ce conflit privé hors-normes devient un problème public, mobilisant une rhétorique des droits, en l’occurrence celui des couples non mariés à être traités également aux couples mariés. Son analyse discute les travaux sur la « politique des droits », en interrogeant les conditions de succès des stratégies judiciaires pour la réduction des inégalités, dans un contexte où la mise à l’agenda échappe en large part aux mouvements sociaux, en particulier féministes. Les luttes définitionnelles entre les fractions des élites issues des trois espaces sociaux étudiés construisent de nouveaux cadres cognitifs et moraux d’appréhension des droits des conjoints de fait, rendant pensable le changement social.

This paper examines the importance of metaphor and media to the ideas of citizenship, nation, and place. In particular, the authors explore the relationship between citizenship and the double metaphor of the “nation-state”. If this double metaphor were to lose its hold on the collective imagination, what metaphor could take its place and be represented through modern media of communication? The authors use the example of deterritorialization, discussing first the emergence of the phenomenon particularly given the role of contemporary media of communication, and noting how it bears upon community, place and citizenship to suggest that such an erosion is taking place. They suggest that the “global market” metaphor is gaining ascendancy, and is represented in simulacrum through contemporary information technologies. The third part of this paper conducts a thought experiment implementing a deterritorialized, global market for citizenship, asking to what degree such a market already characterizes contemporary citizenship and assessing what is attractive and unattractive about it. The paper concludes with a caution against either ignoring or embracing this emerging normative construction.

In multinational polities, different orders of government are involved in determining the norms of social protection. In this context, this article addresses the question of who does what, how and why. The first section deals with the distribution of normative power concerning social protection in federal states and in the European Union. The second section examines a variety of devices enabling the articulation of shared power. Finally, a third section concentrates on the different functions of normative power in the social domain. The first one is obviously redistributive. Secondly, the exercise of normative power legitimises public institutions of all government levels involved. The third function, which is of particular interest in the context of multinational States (or political spaces such as Europe) consists in the consolidation of citizenship. The solidarity inherent in norms of social protection reflects the sense of belonging to a particular social group, and in this context, the nation. It can also serve to strengthen the sense of belonging to the larger political space, the multinational federation. In complex political structures, the power to establish norms of social protection contributes to the phenomenon of multiple loyalties and overlapping citizenship. Cementing citizenship in such a political context cannot succeed through homogenisation, but must respect the cultural dimension of social protection and the right to be different.

The sense of smell seems to have resisted the kind of objective measurement process that might have facilitated settling competing claims about offensive smells by applying a general rule or standard. As a result, authorities, including courts,cannot avoid making subjective judgements of taste. A nuisance lawsuit out of Ontario regarding a mushroom farm, or rather its smells, is used here as one source of material about the difficulties of adjudication in this subfield of the “law of the senses.” Attention is also paid to a curious quasi-judicial entity, Ontario’s Normal Farm Practices Protection Board, charged with resolving, mainly through mediation, disputes about farm smells between farmers and non-farming neighbours. Overall, the article shows that the ex post facto, situated and complaint-driven logic of nuisance that nineteenth-century law used to govern offensive noises as well as nasty smells, and which left plenty of room for subjective judgements of taste, keeps reappearing in the present day. Nasty smells seem particularly impervious to modernization, that is to being managed through objective measurement and preventive regulation.

For over half a century, it has been axiomatic that environmental claims are particularly well suited for class actions. This paper examines this notion in the context of Ontario’s regime and finds that environmental class actions have been limited in the extent to which they have promoted access to justice. Starting with a brief overview of class action history in Canada and the economics of mass litigation at a general level, the paper then analyzes barriers specific to environmental claims. A series of representative case studies is then offered to substantiate the central contention on the limits of environmental class actions. In so doing, the paper takes a holistic approach, incorporating empirical, economic, political, and procedural factors and dynamics to provide an integrated assessment about the type of access to justice that is presently achieved and achievable for environmental claims in Ontario.

Workers from the Commonwealth Caribbean employed seasonally on Canadian farms through the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program are thought to be ignorant of prevailing labour standards. This marks not only an empirical claim about legal ignorance and knowledge, but also a theoretical claim about the role law assumes in capitalist relations, particularly in the ways law shapes consciousness and behaviour. The seasonal agricultural worker context presents an intriguing opportunity for the application of legal consciousness studies. Drawing specifically on the emerging field of new legal consciousness studies, with its emphasis on the legal consciousness of non-legal professionals, the paper contests both the empirical and theoretical aspects of the legal ignorance claim. New legal consciousness studies undergo an important revision to account for law's role in forming the background rules for liberal capitalism. In this respect, the paper points the direction for future study of the relationship between seasonal agricultural worker resistance and law.

Against the historical backdrop of the sinking of the Canadian rum-running schooner the I’m Alone by the US Coast Guard in 1929, this paper examines the re-crafting of maritime jurisdictional practices in the 2000s through the Canada-US Cross-Border Maritime Law Enforcement Program known as Shiprider. Thinking jurisdictionally and taking seriously the materiality of the water, we explore the significance of Shiprider’s patrols in the local context of Kaniatarowano’on:we (St. Lawrence River) which flows through Akwesasne Mohawk Territory, an indigenous border nation cleaved by the Canada-US international border where local communities contend with and continue to refuse imposed colonial settler boundaries.

This paper focuses on the increasing significance of flexibility arguments to UK employment equality law. It makes use of the well-evidenced legal and governmental preoccupation with working time to investigate the production and circulation of concepts of flexibility through equality law case reports from the period 2001–2010. With case reports as my main focus, I trace how flexibility emerges through legal documental networks, so as to work out the contours of our collectively imagined “efficient” and “well-balanced” working practices. Human actors and significant non-human actors combine within and across case reports to produce and support a general set of understandings about legal flexibility. These understandings, as we have seen, suggest that flexibility is just as much a matter of organic or physical capabilities as it is of time. Concepts of elasticity, adaptability, and balance, therefore, force us to reconsider the meanings and motivations of governmental and oppositional constructions of work-life dilemmas.