Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t8hqh Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-29T09:49:53.908Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Tsaur Jyr and the Introduction of Fannbay into China

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 December 2009

Extract

Fannbay, to quote the definition of the ‘Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist terms’ are ‘Buddhist hymns [which are] sung to repress externals and calm the mind within2 for religious service; also in praise of Buddha’. The first element, Fann, a transliteration of Brahma, refers to the Indian origin of the term, the second element, bay, is the Chinese transliteration of pāṭha ‘chanting’. Under the name Fannbay this type of Buddhist chant as developed in China (actually a kind of long-drawn-out tune) was transplanted in Japan in Tarng times and is known in Sino-Japanese reading as Bonbai.3

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies 1957

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

page 585 note 1 By W. E. Soothill and L. Hodous, London, 1937, p. 353b.

page 585 note 2 cf. the five benefits derived from listening to these hymns, listed in the Gauseng Juann , J 13, see Taishō Tripiḍaka, Vol. 50, No. 2059, p. 415a.

page 585 note 3 In order to refer these hymns back to their ultimate source, the Japanese also adopted for them the name Shōmyō that is, śabdavidyā, the study of sounds, words, grammar, philology, one of the ‘five sciences’ of India. See Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 84, No. 2717, p. 857a .

page 585 note 4 The Forshyue dahtsyrdean , by DingFwubao, , pp. 1867a and 1868a.

page 585 note 5 ed. S. Lévi and J. Takakusu, Tōkyō, Vol. 1, 1929, p. 96a.

page 586 note 1 Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 50, No. 2039, p. 415a–b.

page 586 note 2 A contemporary of Tsaur Jyr, Jy Chian , a Scythian, to whom this sūtra—the full title being —has been ascribed, is also credited with Fannbay on the same theme.

page 586 note 3 Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 53, No. 2122, p. 576a.

page 586 note 4 The author or scribe seems to have given the name of Harndan Chwenyu instead of Harndan Chwen .

page 587 note 1 I am indebted to Dr. A. A. Bake for the explanation, with illustrations from his own records, of the difference between pāṭa on the one hand (chanting of the prose parts of Sanskrit sūtras in a fixed variation of middle, high, and low tones), and gāthā, the singing of verses in sūtras, on the other.

page 587 note 2 See p. 586 above.

page 587 note 3 Prince Ing in A.D. 65 sent silk to the emperor's court for the purpose of paying a kind of fine in lieu of punishment, but it was returned by the order of Mingdih, ‘to help him supply meals for Buddhist monks and lay members of the church (Upāsaka and Śramaṇa)’ , Howhannshu by Fann Yeh (A.D. 398–445), Bornah ed., J. 42 (Liehjuann 32), p. 8a1–4.

page 587 note 4 Even in the reign of Hwandih there was enough trouble to cause the emperor to appeal to as many deities as possible for peace and blessings. He sent officials to offer sacrifice to Laotzyy three times in A.D. 165-6 and he worshipped both Laotzyy and Buddha in his own palace. (See Howhannshu, ed. cit., J. 7, pp. 20b–23a, and Sbiang Kae's memorial to Hwandih (A.D. 166) , Howhannshu, ed. cit., J. 30 shiah (Liehjuann shiah), pp. 30b9–31a1. Evidently Buddha was also lumped together with the well-known deities of the Taoiet faith by Shiang Kae.)

page 588 note 1 Such as the practices of leaving one's parents and home, celibacy, begging for food, etc.

page 588 note 2 Seized and moved to the capital by the Hann general in 120 B.C. ( ), Chyanhannshn, Bornah ed., J. 94 shanq, pp. 20a10–20b1.

page 588 note 3 In the reign of Shuenndih (A.D. 126–44) of in Shantung, presented his master's book, namely the Taypyngjing, then called the which had borrowed widely Buddhist ideas. Shiang Kae, who in his memorial to Hwandih (A.D. 166) showed himself equally conversant with the Taypyngjing (a Taoist work) and the Syhshyrelljangjing (a Buddhist work), also came from Shantung. See the Howhannshu, Bornah ed., J. 30 shiah (Liehjuann 20 shiah), pp. 32a9–32b3.

page 588 note 4 Well known to the West through the studies of Maspero, H. and Pelliot, Paul, in BEFEO, X, 1910, 99108,Google Scholar and T‘oung Pao, XIX, 1920, 255433 Google Scholar respectively.

page 588 note 5 by Seng Yow of Liang, Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 52, No. 2102, pp. lb and 2b.

page 589 note 1 Tsaurjyi Chyuanpyng , ed. Ding Yann , Basic Sinological Series, p. 113.

page 589 note 2 It is thought that there was included [in the catalogue] in the imperial library of Wey , Buddhist works, and that this collection formed the basis of the of Jinn Liang), Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 52, No. 2103, p. 109a. His list of works there includes the entry which states that among works in the there are 16 juann of Buddhist works, Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 52, No. 2103, p. 110a.

page 589 note 3 J. 12), by Seng Yow of Liang, Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 55, No. 2145, p. 83a. Koong Rong, a wellknown scholar and official at the end of the Hann, was invited to join Tsaur Tsau's camp with other intellectuals, but he tactlessly gave offence and was liquidated.

page 589 note 4 Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 52, No. 2102, p. 96a. It is not clear whether Seng Yow here means a book or a letter, most probaly a letter, as this wording is reminiscent of that given in n. 3, which refers to Tsaur Tsau' letter listed in the Faaluenn-muhluh.

page 590 note 1 See p. 587.

page 590 note 2 By Tang Yonqtorng , rev. ed., Chunghwa Press, 1955, 9–10.

page 590 note 3 by Daw Shuian , J. 23 (mistakenly given as J. 30 by Tang Yonqtorng), , Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 50, No. 2060, p. 630c.

page 590 note 4 Bianndawluenn , Tsaurjyi Chyuanpyng, ed. cit., p. 113.

page 590 note 5 Aidih's belief in Taoist practices led to a serious consequence—he died of an overdose of the ‘elixir of life’, , Jinn Shu , Bornah ed., , J. 8, p. 8a, and Jeanwendih consulted the Taoist Sheu May , on the question of securing a son and heir to his throne, Jinn Shu, ed. cit., J. 32 (Liehjuann 2), p. 6a8–10; at the same time both emperors had close connexion with the Buddhist Jwu Chyan (tzyh , Gauseng Juann, J. 4, . Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 50, No. 2059, pp. 347c–348a.

page 590 note 6 loc. cit., p. 51. See also above p. 589, n. 2.

page 590 note 1 As mentioned in p. 587, n. 4 above, Shiang Kae sent up a memorial to Hwandih. In this memorial he mentions and in the same breath and ends with the reference to alone, so that he could not have been aware of Buddhism as a separate religion. , Howhannshu, ed. cit., J. 30 shiah (Liehjuann 20 shiah), pp. 30a9–31b1.

page 591 note 2 , from the same memorial as above, p. 31a4.

page 591 note 3 , wey Liueh by Wey Juh, Sangwo Jyh J 30, P. 32a.

page 591 note 4 Tsaurjyi Chyuanpyng, ed. cit., p. 33.

page 592 note 1 Tsaurjyi Chyuanpyng, ed. cit., p. 114.

page 592 note 2 Historyof Jinn , by Liehjuarm, J. 49, p. 2b89.

page 592 note 3 See biography of Tarn Chian in Gauseng Juann, J. 13, Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 50, No. 2059, p. 414a.

page 592 note 4 Bornah ed., J. 19.

page 592 note 5 See his poem , Tsaurjyi Chyuanpyng, ed. cit., p. 47.

page 592 note 6 Tsaur Jyr could not have spent the early part of his life in Loyang, for it was sacked by Doong Jwo's troops in A.D. 189, and Tsaur Tsau fled from it the same year. Tsaur Jyr, born in 192, left an eye-witness account of its desolation in his poem (Tsaurjyi Chyuanpyng, p. 26). Apparently he passed through it when he took part in one of his father's expeditions. From the time of Tsaur Pi's accession to his own death Tsaur Jyr had hardly the opportunity of staying in Loyang for any length of time owing to the policy of both Tsaur Pi and his successor of isolating their relatives from court.

page 593 note 1 Wey Jyh, Sangwo Jyh, ed. cit., J. 19, p. 22b.

page 593 note 2 e.g. etc., Tsaurjyi Ghyuanpyng, pp. 78–81 and 83–4.

page 593 note 3 Whereas the writings of scholars such as Wang Shijy and Shieh An of Jinn show traces of Buddhist influence. So did those of Sheen Jue , Yan Yanjy , etc. (see , Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 52, No. 2103).

page 593 note 4 Included in the Jinndaymishu , J. 5, pp. 9b–10a.

page 595 note 1 Faayuann julin, J. 36, Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 53, No. 2122, p. 574b.

page 595 note 2 See Version A, p. 593, and also p. 593, n. 1.

page 595 note 3 Buddhist sources of this legend given in the entry Gyosan in the Bukkyō daijiten, edited by Shinkō, Mochizuki , Tōkyō, 19311936, Vol. 1, p. 626 a–b,Google Scholar are many, but none goes back further in time than that given as a bare title, listed in the , by Seng Yow of Liang in his , J. 12, Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 55, No. 2145, p. 92b.

page 595 note 4 See p. 586 above.

page 595 note 5 Such as , Wey Jyh, Sangwo Jyh, Bornah ed., J. 19, pp. 3a–b, and . loc. cit., J. 21, p. 6a10. Cf. Daw Shyh's version, wherein we find the phrases See P. 5 8 6 ‘ n- 3 above. These details must have accrued by Liang times and were actually recounted in the , which is no longer extant but which was apparently a collection of Buddhist miracles, for of Tarng gives it as his source before he proceeds to quote the story (which corresponds more or less to Daw Shyh's version) in the , J. 5, pt. 2, Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 34, No. 1719, p. 245b.

page 596 note 1 The version in the of Tarng, J. 4, however, makes use of the cave. Actually it follows closely the wording of Version A. Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 34, No. 1723, p. 727b.

page 596 note 2 For the stories see and in the Faayuann julin, J. 49, Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 53, No. 2122, p. 655c–658a.

page 596 note 3 Le Wen Sin Tiao Long. Texle établi par Wang Li-k‘i, Université de Paris, Centre d'Études Sinologiques de Pékin, p. 27.

page 596 note 4 I quote this from n. 32 (p. 27) of the above edition of the Wenshin Tiaolong. This variant does not occur in the edition of the Yuhhae available to me.

page 596 note 5 Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 53, No. 2122, pp. 654c ff.

page 596 note 6 Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 55, No. 2145, pp. 38c–39a.

page 596 note 7 They were Bor Faa-chyau , who fasted and did penance for seven days and seven nights praying for a good voice, and after gargling with pure water sang three bay which were heard within three miles around and both men and beasts came together to listen to them; Jy Tarnyueh , who dreamed that a god taught him to sing and who composed new hymns after he awoke, hymns which surpassed even those of Tsaur Jyr and of Kang-seng Huey ; Tarn-perng , whose singing of the hymns caused elephants to trumpet and horses to neigh and passers-by to stop spell-bound; and so forth. Gauseng Juann, J. 13, Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 50, No. 2059, pp. 413b–414c.

page 597 note 1 He also gives the legend of Tsaur Jyr as the first composer of Fannbay, following closely the Daw Shyh version in his , J. 5, Taishō Tripiṭaka, Vol. 52, No. 2103, p. 119.

page 597 note 2 He was not averse to slight alterations of historical texts when it suited his belief. See the by Tang Yonqtorng , Vol. 1, pp. 9–10.

page 597 note 3 I am indebted to Mr. T. Ikeda for giving me the information that the centre there, Raigyōin is still functioning.