Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of figures
- List of tables
- List of contributors
- Acknowledgments
- 1 Social status and cultural consumption
- 2 The social status scale: its construction and properties
- 3 Social stratification and musical consumption: highbrow–middlebrow in the United States
- 4 Bourdieu's legacy and the class–status debate on cultural consumption: musical consumption in contemporary France
- 5 Social status and public cultural consumption: Chile in comparative perspective
- 6 Social stratification and cultural participation in Hungary: a post-communist pattern of consumption?
- 7 Status, class and culture in the Netherlands
- 8 Social stratification of cultural consumption across three domains: music; theatre, dance and cinema; and the visual arts
- 9 Conclusion
- References
- Index
9 - Conclusion
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 May 2010
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of figures
- List of tables
- List of contributors
- Acknowledgments
- 1 Social status and cultural consumption
- 2 The social status scale: its construction and properties
- 3 Social stratification and musical consumption: highbrow–middlebrow in the United States
- 4 Bourdieu's legacy and the class–status debate on cultural consumption: musical consumption in contemporary France
- 5 Social status and public cultural consumption: Chile in comparative perspective
- 6 Social stratification and cultural participation in Hungary: a post-communist pattern of consumption?
- 7 Status, class and culture in the Netherlands
- 8 Social stratification of cultural consumption across three domains: music; theatre, dance and cinema; and the visual arts
- 9 Conclusion
- References
- Index
Summary
In this concluding chapter, I shall draw on the results reported in the six national chapters and ask if they collectively provide some cohe research questions set out in Chapter 1. Let me begin by restating the nature of our comparative enterprise. Unlike cross-national comparative research on social mobility, educational inequality, or other more established topics, social stratification of cultural consumption is still a relatively underdeveloped field. This means that the data sets that are available to us, and measures of cultural consumption contained therein, are not as standardised as we would have liked. As a result, we could not have carried out exactly the same analysis in all six nations. Instead, we have sought to achieve cross-national comparability by addressing the same set of research questions, and to do so within a shared conceptual framework.
We have two main goals. Our first goal is to further our knowledge of the social stratification of cultural consumption in contemporary societies. In particular, we wish to evaluate three competing sets of arguments which purport to describe how cultural consumption is, or is not, mapped onto the stratification order. Following Warde et al. (2000), we have labelled these as ‘homology’ arguments, ‘individualisation’ arguments and ‘omnivore–univore’ arguments respectively. Our second goal is to bring cultural consumption research closer to mainstream stratification research. This means specifying more carefully the manner in which cultural consumption is stratified. In this regard, we are especially interested in exploring the relevance of Max Weber's distinction between social class and social status.
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- Social Status and Cultural Consumption , pp. 232 - 251Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 2010
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